“Visualizing Starry Skies”, extrait inédit de mon prochain article issu des actes du colloque “Before Michelangelo: ‘Revisioning’ Sixtus’s Sistine Chapel as Sensorium”, Australian Catholic University, Rome, 18-22 octobre 2024 (2/2)

Je suis ravi de partager aujourd’hui un extrait exclusif (en anglais, sans les notes de bas de page) de mon prochain article, écrit à l’occasion du colloque “Before Michelangelo: ‘Revisioning’ Sixtus’s Sistine Chapel as Sensorium”. Cet événement, organisé à Rome du 18 au 21 octobre sous la direction de Peter Howard et Shannon Kuziow, invite à redécouvrir la Chapelle Sixtine avant les célèbres interventions de Michel-Ange sous un angle inédit, à savoir celui de l’expérience sensorielle.

L’extrait que je publie ici – la seconde partie ; première partie consultable ici – est tiré d’un chapitre consacré à la représentation visuelle des cieux étoilés dans la première décoration de la Chapelle Sixtine, réalisée sous le pontificat de Sixte IV entre 1481 et 1482. Ce chapitre s’appuie notamment sur le dessin conservé aux Offices à Florence (à découvrir ci-dessous), qui éclaire notre compréhension des liens entre l’art, la cosmologie et la spiritualité à cette époque.

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Visualizing Starry Skies (Part II)

At some point, this analogy between the Della Rovere and the stars, conveyed through the use of blue and gold, became so essential that it is also evident in other ‘skies’ that, while not strictly starry, reference the firmament. A notable example I believe even it has never been looked like this is Melozzo da Forlì’s fresco depicting the appointment of Platina as the new prefetto of the Vatican Library, where the coffered ceiling clearly echoes the grotesque pilasters adorned with the Della Rovere coat of arms (Fig. 7). But Among these examples, one stands out due to its location and invention: Cosimo Rosselli’s Last Supper in the Sistine Chapel (Fig. 8).

As noted and described once again by Nesselrath, the Cena of Christ and the twelve apostles is set in a ‘Casa di Sisto’ (a household of Sixtus) since its arms are prominently displayed in gold at the very center of the coffered ceiling, where I would emphasize the acorns—heraldic symbols of the Della Rovere, derived from the oak—serve as nailheads. The arrangement of these nailheads, rendered also in gold against a deep blue background, unmistakably suggests a variation of a starry sky, where the acorns stands as stars revolving around the center of the universe, embodied by the arma of the pope. Nesselrath astutely perceives the implications of such a construction, where in a strange but very evocative inversion of theological meanings, the terrestrial realm is ruled by Christ and the celestial realm by Sixtus. 

The presence of the fresco in the public space of the Sistine Chapel further underscores the strategic use of the starry sky as a supreme emblem of the Della Rovere family. In this context, I contend that the epigram by Aurelio Brandolini, written in 1484 and dedicated to the pope, contains somewhat veiled references to a “ubi sidereum consurgit ad aethera templum” (a starry temple rising to the heavens) located in the ‘palazzo’ or ‘dimora’ of Sixtus. Contrary to Steinmann’s assertion that this serves as ‘definite proof’ of a reference to the starry sky on the Sistine Chapel ceiling, it may instead allude more indirectly to the fresco of the Last Supper. More broadly, it reflects Sixtus IV’s and the Della Rovere family’s ongoing use of starry skies as symbols of their earthly power in connection with the heavens 

To conclude on this brief inquiry into starry skies, it is also important to emphasize that Sixtus IV’s interest in the sidereal world was deeply linked to the stars, but also, significantly, to the Sun. This connection is made particularly clear to take a another example in a medal commissioned by the pope featuring the full zodiac surrounding the Fall of Phaeton (Fig. 9). I will focus here on two relevant examples that contribute to our understanding of the Sistine Chapel’s decoration.

The first is an illumination (ca. 1500) from the Hours of Joanna I of Castile, which depicts Pope Sixtus IV kneeling in prayer, gazing up at an image of the Virgin (Fig. 10). This image, highlighted and discussed by Bonnie Blackburn, contains a specific reference to the Virgo in sole—the Virgin ‘clothed with the sun’, as describe in the Revelation book of John—which accompanies a prayer attributed to Sixtus IV. This depiction is particularly significant for its deeper connection to the cult of the Immaculate Conception, a dogma Sixtus IV strongly promoted. And Kim Butler has demonstrated how this Marian theology is subtly embedded in many aspects of the Sistine Chapel both from the time of Sixtus IV and Julius II. As far as i am concerned  would stress how it is also visible in the Assumption by Perugino (Fig. 4).

Yet, the origins of this imagery can be traced much earlier. The sun motif, associated with Mary’s Assumption, was already present in an earlier version of the altarpiece of the Sistine Chapel, as evidenced by an illumination (circa 1475) held in the Musée Condé (Fig. 11). This particular illumination is invaluable not only for its insight into the decoration of the ‘Cappella Magna,’ but also because it features the throne of Pope Sixtus IV, beneath which a sun symbol is depicted. This solar icon above the reigning figure’s head, a common motif in representations of earthly rulers—such as in Carpaccio’s Arrival of the Ambassadors—serves to connect temporal power with the celestial realm. The imagery is also reflected in Cosimo Rosseli’s Last Supper. 

In the context of the Sistine Chapel, the sun symbol beneath Sixtus’ throne clearly references the Virgin Mary in her Assumption, where she is enveloped in heavenly light, a standard representation in solar symbolism. This aligns with the Mariological theology that positions Mary, after her Assumption, as Regina Coeli, the Queen of Heaven—a title frequently invoked in the liturgy of the Sistine Chapel. In 1480, Sixtus IV introduced new hymns celebrating the Virgin as the ‘Porta Coeli’ (Gate of Heaven) and ‘Regina Coeli’ (Queen of Heaven), underscoring her role as the embodiment of the celestial order and the beauty of God’s creation. This theme was central to Sixtus IV’s papal bull Cum praeexcelsa (February 27, 1477), which legitimized the cult of the Immaculate Conception by referring to the Virgin as the ‘Virgo Dei genitrix gloriosa’ (glorious Virgin Mother of God), ‘Regina Caelorum’ (Queen of Heaven), who ‘sedibus praelata aethereis’ (was exalted to the heavenly thrones) and ‘sideribus quasi stella matutina praerutilat’ (shines among the stars like the morning star). It was also at the core of the theology espoused by Marco Maroldi (or Maroldo), the master of the sacred palace during the commissioning of the decoration of the Sistine Chapel, as identified by Howard, who referred to the Virgin in his sermons as ‘aulam immaculate castitatis’ (hall of immaculate chastity) or the ‘Dei templum’ (temple of God).

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